Mao running as Uganda’s future

By Otim Lucima (email the author)

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Posted Monday, November 29 2010 at 00:00

December 11, 1990, was not the best of times for Makerere University. A students’ riot had ended in cracks of gunfire. Two students, Tom Okema and Tom Onyango, were shot dead on that day, which came to be known as “Black December”.
As is wont to happen in such riots, the Guild President has to respond. A certain Norbert Mao, who had defeated soldier man Noble Mayombo (RIP) in a hotly contested guild race three months earlier, was that guild boss.
President Museveni summoned him to State House in the aftermath of the deadly riot. Mr Mao, who had been ridiculed for his small stature when he contested for head boy at Namilyango College, fixed his gaze on the trappings of power and vowed to occupy the seat someday.

Twenty years later, Mr Mao’s political dream has nurtured some plumes with his nomination as the Democratic Party (DP) presidential candidate on October 25, 2010. Whether these plumes can grow into feathers that can help him soar, is something only the next two months can prove.

Mr Mao, a rather squat politician, compensates for his lack of height by sheer gift of the garb, toned down with a sly delivery of deadpan. Dismas Nkunda, Mr Mao’s peer at Namilyango and Makerere, likens Mr Mao to Squealer, the sweet-tongued propagandist in George Orwell’s Animal Farm.
The DP firebrand says he has already crushed Museveni’s political proxies, beginning with the blue-eyed boy, the late Brig. Noble Mayombo in the 1990 MUK guild race. When he sought to step into the House six years later, Mr Mao blew out the candles of Museveni’s former northern Uganda pacification minister, Betty Bigombe, in a fierce battle for Gulu Municipality MP seat. Not done, Mr Mao again humiliated another Musevenist, Lt. Col. Walter Ochora in the Gulu LC5 seat in 2006.

Now he wants to slay Goliath. But what are Mr Mao’s odds against the NRM juggernaut?

Mao is the youngest of eight presidential candidates. His byword for the election campaign is, “now is the time.” He draws a battle line between the old and new generation. But while he rides on the euphoria of the youthful bubble, Mao is not without headaches. The “Young Turk” has to contend with a splinter DP faction.

Mr Mao’s troubles stem from the disputed DP Delegates Conference in Mbale that elected him President General in February. Top DP leadership had remained the preserve of Catholic Ganda since its founding in 1954. But Mr Mao, 43, turned the tables on this, succeeding John Ssebaana Kizito, 77, as DP president. In the event, a section of the party hierarchy accused him of convening an illegal conference that allowed him to run away with the DP crown. A Roman Catholic adherent, Mr Mao became the first to break the Ganda dominance of DP, debunking the popular myth that the party had become bika by’Abaganda (party of Buganda clans).

But he still has to contend with fiery rebel DP Ganda MPs.

His forecast is fluid: “I predict north will identify with me. I believe I’ll get a huge vote in Buganda; DP has the deepest roots in Buganda. East is a toss-up. West; Museveni has a strong say. But I have a connection with the west and I am the best guarantee that there will be no retribution by virtue of Museveni’s origin.”

But Buganda remains a toss-up between Museveni, Besigye, and Mao, although Mao still has eight of 10 DP MPs in his political stable. Standing shoulder-to-shoulder with him are two former DP presidents, Mr Ssebaana Kizito and Dr Paul Kawanga Ssemogerere.

Yet that notwithstanding, Mr Mao is nursing political headaches in the mould of Suubi 2011 in the heartland of Buganda, a traditional DP stronghold. Suubi, a loose Ganda-DP pressure group, has thrown its lot with the Inter-Party Cooperation’s candidate Dr Kizza Besigye.

Mr Mao, who says he has been received well, feels the sharp stab of treachery as he quips: “They’re paying us by kicking us in the teeth. We exhibited our genuine side and campaigned for MPs Dr Bayiga and Nambooze,” in apparent reference to hotly contested by-elections against NRM-sponsored candidates that the DP duo won.


Mao points the finger at Dr Besigye over woes plaguing DP. “FDC rejected our proposal to cooperate at MP and grassroots levels. We could not be party to an arranged marriage. IPC is FDC by another name. Joining was like stepping down and becoming a cheerleader for Besigye and FDC.”

Ms Nambooze and Mr Lukwago have publicly courted Dr Besigye, chipping away a critical piece of their party. While DP-leaning former Buganda kingdom premier Mulwanyamuli Ssemwogerere and Mr Mathias Mpuuga have decamped to Dr Besigye. But Dr Bayiga and former Buganda deputy information minister Seggona Lubega, also Busiro East parliamentary candidate, have since retreated into Mr Mao’s fold, so did Ms Nambooze on her nomination.

Mr Mao portrays Suubi as victims of manipulation, riding on popular sentiments of a narrow agenda for Buganda. He says Suubi shows FDC’s sly side. He sees Suubi as a reactionary movement on a balloon journey, awaiting a crack.

“Suubi is the biggest liability that Buganda has. It shows their inward-looking side. Their agenda is opportunistic.”
He draws parallels with Kabaka Yekka that rallied around the flag of the Kabaka in the1960’s but became the first to betray the Kabaka. Already, the cracks in the IPC have put the allies at loggerheads and their desired option of cooperation has lapsed into frequent deadly skirmishes between FDC, Suubi, SDP and DP.
Even then, Mao is not about to stop digging his knees into Dr Besigye’s sides. He, as much as UPC’s Olara Otunnu and Dr Besigye, know they must cooperate or cannibalise one another in order to ring-fence the turf in northern Uganda. The region has twice delivered Dr Besigye the block vote in 2001, and 2006. But Mao and Otunnu see that support as rented. They see DP and UPC as the due vote holders.


However, DP has no single incumbent MP in its presumed backyard. His coup as Gulu district boss in 2006 was boosted by goodwill votes from FDC and UPC.
Mr Mao, a centrist who focuses on peace-building and moderate politics as the centrepiece of his campaign, casts himself as a bridge between the north and south. He says he is best poised to bring national healing.

A gifted multi-lingual, Mao speaks Luo, Runyankole, Luganda, English, and Kiswahili. His blessed double heritage of an Acholi dad and a Munyankole mum also straddles him across the divide that has defined the ethnic north-west mantra since 1986.

For some inexplicable reason, Mr Mao is often accused of links with Museveni. Snide remarks have been leveled at him for allowing wife Naomi work with State House. Dr Besigye exclaimed thus after his nomination: “I respect Mao. I would have loved to work with him but he has a choice of whom he wants to associate with.” But Mr Mao dismisses this as a smear campaign deflecting the innuendos as “indicators of fear of the threat he poses to claims of providing a legitimate alternative to Museveni.”


He adds: “Besigye has sacrificed a lot but being a victim doesn’t make him the most legitimate alternative to the regime. DP suffered the same ills; our accusers have breastfed and groomed the NRM! FDC is a faction of NRM. It was our voices of dissent that forced Besigye to stop the NRM dance of no change.”

Mr Mao has been accused of conciliatory overtures towards Museveni, especially for keeping silent on the much-maligned Kiggundu-led Electoral Commission. He is also accused of lack of vim over grave issues, including alleged army and police brutality during elections. In his defense, Mao goes theatrical: “If Kiggundu attempts to manipulate these elections, I will call you to the streets and we will count the voters, not the ballots. If that fails, then Museveni will remain the president of the ballots and I will be that of the people,” Mao told fans in Mbale and Tororo.

Belt notches
An enrolled advocate, two-term MP and one-term Gulu District Council chairman, Mao has not escaped the tag of political flip-flop. He has hobnobbed with Chapaa Karuhanga of the National Democrats Forum before teaming up with Mr Aggrey Awori to plot the latter’s bid for the presidency in 2001.

But few would outmatch First Couple Mao and Naomi. And if ladies were vote winners, Naomi, likened to first ladies Carla Bruni and Michelle Obama, would win over to Mao lovers of nouvelle society. With youthful touches to their lives, Mao, 43, and Naomi, 36, represent a breath of fresh air. The couple symbolises class to generation X, a new generation born after Uganda’s independence.

Mao and Naomi touch up their lives with being IT-savvy. Mao remains an active Facebook and Twitter candidate with over 10,000 fans backing his run for the presidency. He frequently posts his political trailers online. If online political activism could translate into offline votes, Mao and Naomi would be 11,000 votes the richer!
But will Mr Mao, who has notched up several victories in his short political career, steer DP to the end of the campaigns chanting the party slogan? The verdict is out on February 18, 2011.

8 cleared for 2011 presidential elections

Kampala

The final day for nomination of presidential candidates saw the Electoral Commission accept another three individuals, bringing the number of contenders in the February 18, 2011 polls to eight.
The race, which officially kicks off tomorrow, will be between President Museveni, Dr Kizza Besigye, Mr Norbert Mao, Mr Jaberi Bidandi Ssali, Ms Beti Olive Kamya, Dr Abed Bwanika, Mr Olara Otunnu and Mr Samuel Lubega.

Dr Bwanika, of the Peoples’ Development Party, is in it for the second time. His first shot at the top office in 2006 when he stood as an independent, ended up garnering 65,900 ballots (0.95% ) of the total vote. “We must create wealth for Ugandans by creation of employment. We shall also work hard and improve the social services for a better welfare for all of us. Ugandans must own their country,” Dr Bwanika said this time, almost echoing his 2006 message. Uganda Peoples Congress, finally had their candidate, Mr Olara Otunnu, nominated at 1:05 p.m.

Even after accepting EC chair Badru Kiggundu’s handshake, Mr Otunnu still went on the attack. “We are continuing with our crusade for a free and fair election and there is no way it can happen with this corrupt EC. We want a new independent EC. We want a clean voters’ register,” he said. Dr Kiggundu’s rejoinder was to “wish him good luck.”
The last day of nomination was bathed in controversy as Mr Samuel Lubega, an Independent, who first unsuccessfully sought to run as flag bearer of a faction of the Democratic Party, showed up for nomination.

DP wrangles
Mr Lubega has refused to recognise the election of the current leadership. “I have no business with [DP leader Norbert] Mao as long as he does not denounce those illegal tendencies of the Mbale delegates’ conference. We cannot denounce Museveni for unconstitutionalism and we do the same. Charity begins at home. If the DP, whose unity I have always longed for, begins to behave the same way Museveni behaves, then I am out,” he said.
He was nominated three minutes to closing time after more than seven hours of bargaining with the EC. There were a series of meetings between his team and the Commission over the DP materials like headed papers which he had used to solicit for signatures.


The EC later said they would take the chance to nominate him. “I will be ready for court in case any of the people who signed, petition your candidature,” Dr Kiggundu said. Before the final stamps were appended to his nomination certificates, Dr Kiggundu gave Mr Lubega one day to present a new campaign symbol. “The symbol you have presented this afternoon is rejected until it is re-engineered. Your symbol has features which are conflicting [with another party]. You need to harmonise it immediately with my technical people. It could be a reason for your disqualification if not harmonised,” he said. His symbol was of a shield, a drum and a hoe in DP colours.

The electoral law says a candidate who uses symbols that could hoodwink the public and affect another candidates’ votes should be disqualified if they do not change the offending object.

Close monitoring
Uncharacteristically, Dr Kiggundu also told Mr Lubega that; “we shall monitor your campaigns throughout the 112 districts.” DP legal advisor Mukasa Mbidde said last night that they “could consider suing [Lubega], but we have less time for that now.” Mr Mbidde said if Mr Lubega obtained signatures with the help of DP materials, then it was fraudulent.

Meanwhile, Paddy Bitama, a comedian, had his shot at the presidency brought to an end at Namboole Stadium’s gates where EC security refused him entry. He flashed Shs50,000 notes to the gate keepers trying to show them that he had the mandatory Shs8 million.

The election rules were that one deposits the money in a designated bank and only present slips as proof of payment. The comedian said he had just realised that 7,500 signatures were required. But like another artiste before him, Charles ‘Siasa’ Ssenkubuge who in 2006 dropped out shortly after nomination, Mr Bitama’s flirtation with politics turned out to be very brief.

Nomination Day: Boys separated from men as election season starts in earnest

At least seven candidates are expected to present themselves before the Electoral Commission today and tomorrow for endorsement to contest for the highest political office in the land—the second time since the return of multi-party democracy in 2005.


By press time, at least six candidates according to EC boss Badru Kiggundu had been cleared for the nominations at Mandela National Stadium Namboole today.

However, Uganda Peoples’ Congress leader Olara Otunnu had reportedly not submitted the needed signatures. Mr Chris Opoka, an official, said they would submit the signatures by Tuesday 10am.

Signatures’ headache

All the presidential candidates are required to raise 100 signatures from each of at least 75 of the 112 districts. The deadline for the submission of the signatures is Tuesday 3pm.

By press time, those ready for nomination were President Museveni (National Resistance Movement), Kizza Besigye (Forum for Democratic Change), Jaberi Bidandi Ssali (Peoples’ Progressive Party) and Norbert Mao (Democratic Party).

These will be nominated today while Ms Betty Kamya (Federal Alliance) and Mr Abed Bwanika of the Peoples Development Party, will be nominated tomorrow. Mr Otunnu’s nomination is on hold until he finds all the signatures.

According to EC spokesperson Charles Ochola independent candidates Drake Ssebunya, Samuel Lubega and Gideon Tugume had signatures from less than 15 districts verified.

“The verification is still ongoing and we are also working Sunday so that we give them the opportunity,” said Mr Ochola.

Whereas the candidates are also expected to pay Shs8 million before nomination, it is thought that the signatures-clause could explain why despite over 50 people picking the nomination forms, less than 10 are set to meet the standards.

Five candidates contested the last elections in 2006—three of them will feature again. Mr Museveni, Dr Besigye and Mr Bwanika are no strangers to the challenge, while the others will be making their maiden appearance.

According to the EC, President Museveni will submit his papers at 10am and later address a rally at Kololo Independence Grounds.
At 11am, Mr Bidandi Ssali is expected to tender in his forms, while Dr Besigye will do so at midday. The FDC leader will hold a rally at Nakivubo Stadium thereafter.

Mr Mao will hand in his papers at 3pm, before addressing his supporters at Kawempe Growers Grounds.

The mood in most parties was upbeat. NRM Secretary General Amama Mbabazi said over one million supporters are expected to attend President Museveni’s inaugural rally.

Top FDC officials including its Chief Whip Kassiano Wadri and the Leader of the Opposition in Parliament, Prof. Ogenga Latigo were running adverts on radio asking supporters to attend Dr Besigye’s rally. Other rooting for this were Mr Michael Mabikke of the Social Democratic Party—a member of the opposition coalition backing Dr Besigye and former Buganda Kitikkiro Mulywanyamuli Semwogerere.
But Mr Otunnu’s request to use Lugogo Sports Ground for his maiden rally was turned down, even though KCC officials gave no explanation.

Police warn

Mr Opoka, however, told Daily Monitor that they would use the grounds at Uganda House—that houses party offices—for the rally.
EC spokesman Ochola said Mr Bwanika will be nominated on Tuesday at 11am while Ms Kamya will be endorsed at noon.

Namboole—the venue for the nomination—also looks every inch set. It has been decorated with yellow, black and red ribbons. EC officials met at the stadium yesterday in readiness for today’s historic event.

The Inspector General of Police, Maj. Gen. Kale Kayihura yesterday warned presidential candidates against holding processions in the city, threatening to “crush” any.

Only two vehicles with stickers and 20 supporters will be allowed access to the stadium for security purposes

Video: Watch boats soar

Video: Watch boats soar

Was life better before independence?

This weekend, Uganda commemorates the 48th anniversary of independence. Independence, attained on October 9, 1962, has over the years become a tiresome anniversary for most Ugandans. Most Ugandans today are too stressed out, poor, struggling too hard, with too many odds stacked against them, with crumbling national infrastructure all around them and domestic bills that overwhelm them, to even have the breathing space to reflect on what independence means to them.
Most spent yesterday, October 9, 2010, at their shops, salons, and other small businesses hoping to earn that extra Shs10,000 on just one more day, just to be able to keep going. Sunday and most other public holidays, for much of the business community, have almost ceased to be days of rest as profit margins reduce, business gets harder every passing month and life is a grinding battle.

Politically, as seen in the late 1940s, the subjugation at the hands of the British colonial masters had reached the point where Uganda’s small educated middle clerical and political class could take it no more. Early agitators like Augustine Kamya and Ignatius Musaazi led campaigns for self-rule and economic boycotts. The main justification for the struggle for independence stemmed from a feeling of injustice, of not being represented, of being humiliated at the hands of the British.

The agitation for independence was mainly a sentimental, political matter, with very little understanding of the complexities that involve the mechanism of a modern state. What was not adequately understood and foreseen was that running an independent nation required much more skill, resources, trained personnel and organisation than just a wish to see Africans run their own affairs.
Until 1956, for example, Makerere College had been the only institution of higher learning in East Africa. And yet six years later in 1962, the country could claim, without seeing the futility of this, to being ready for independence. A 1990 document on Uganda in the US Library of Congress described the overall strategic vision of the colonial administration:

‘Colonial rule affected local economic systems dramatically, in part because the first concern of the British was financial... The new Commissioner of Uganda in 1900, Sir Harry H. Johnston, had orders to establish an efficient administration and to levy taxes as quickly as possible... Johnston’s Buganda Agreement of 1900 imposed a tax on huts and guns, designated the chiefs as tax collectors, and testified to the continued alliance of British and Baganda interests.’

Enduring institutions
With this revenue raised from taxes on huts and guns, the colonial administration went on to create some of the most enduring institutions in Uganda - The Uganda Museum, Mulago Hospital and various other hospitals, electricity generation, cotton ginneries, extension of the Uganda Railway and Makerere University. Some of the most interesting and insightful books about Uganda, from its history, ethnic groups and customs, geography, economy, natural resources, and political systems are those written by colonial scholars, administrators and journalists of the colonial era.
In them, the picture is consistent and clear: the European colonisers for the most part were no mere plundering, looting, corrupt individuals or governments but brought to Africa the highest standards of scholarship, planning, and public administration.

Margaret McPhearson’s 1964 book They Build For The Future, on the history of Makerere University, is one of many books that captures best the whole world’s difference between the way the British colonial administrators laid out plans for their colonies and what Africa has seen since the independence period.

Everything was planned and every plan had a compelling, logical, short- and long-term reason and goal. Every policy responded to a need and every need was analysed and understood and every reason for creating a policy to address that need or crisis made sense.

Throughout the creation of what would later become one of Africa’s most respected universities, the sense of planning, studying, and systematically organising resources and people to create Makerere University is visible. Here is an example of how institutions in Uganda were created by the colonial administrators.
The clarity of the British thinking and planning and the reasons they gave for that are unmistakable:
“Dr H.B. Owen, who had retired from the medical service, was recalled to become the first medical tutor at the college (Makerere).
Patiently going forward step by step, in the first instance compiling simple notes and working towards a stage at which his students could assimilate simple text-books, grounding them in physics, biology and chemistry, he moved them on to the pre-clinical subjects got them in two years to the stage when they could move over to Mulago for clinical work.” (Margaret McPhearson, They Build For The Future, page 7-8).

The colonial administrator, Frederick Borup, introduced cotton to Uganda in 1903. Two years later, in 1905, the Uganda Protectorate exported its first bale of cotton to the world market with a value of £200; in 1906, cotton exports had risen to £1,000; in 1907 they were at £11,000, in 1908 stood at £52,000 and by 1915 Uganda’s cotton exports totalled £369,000.

Even in today’s money, £369,000 from a cotton harvest for Ugandan farmers would still be respectable export earnings. In 1915, that was an enormous amount of money.

So much did cotton alone contribute to the colonial economy that the British government ended its financial subsidy to Uganda and Uganda became financially self-sufficient, while Kenya - the largest economy in East Africa for the last 40 years - still continued to receive aid from London.
The colonial government of Uganda, in fact, used the country’s cotton exports as collateral to secure the loan that built the Owen Falls Dam in 1954. It was this Uganda or 1962 and before that is usually described as having been at the same approximate level as South Korea at the time of Uganda’s independence.
The British colonial rule can be faulted over many other things, but they left behind a world-class public administrative system that 50 years since the first wave of independence, no single African state has managed to reproduce. Even where European invaders set foot, for example the Italians in Ethiopia and Eritrea between 1935 and 1941, they built a fine road network and other public works that still survive to this day.One of the main criticism levied against the British was that they left Uganda with an army run essentially by semi-literate officers like Idi Amin, Tito Okello, Mustapha Adrisi, and Bazillio Okello.


If that is so, it says something about the genius of the British that the semi-literate soldiers of the Kings African Rifles who took over the Ugandan army in 1962 and the Ugandan government in 1971 proved to be much better administrators than the Ugandan army after 1986 that is dominated by officers with Masters degrees and advanced military staff and officer cadet training.

Under Amin’s eight-year rule, this semi-literate officer established the Uganda Airlines, Uganda Railways, procured Uganda House embassy buildings in Nairobi, London, New York and other European capitals and by the fall of his regime in April 1979, Mulago Hospital and all other government hospitals in Uganda still had a full store of drugs, and the Uganda shilling from 1971 when Amin took power to 1979 when he fell remained in value at between Shs7 and Shs7.50 to the US dollar, despite the economic hardships, the boycott and the sabotage and when Amin left office, Uganda did not have any foreign debt.
When another colonial-era, semi-literate army officer, Gen. Tito Okello, was fleeing Uganda in January 1986 before the advancing NRA guerrilla army, according to a Weekly Observer news report in 2005, the Okello regime left behind 40 military and police helicopters and Uganda Airlines, Uganda Railways, Uganda Commercial Bank, Uganda Hotels and other state-owned corporations.


Today, nearly everything that the colonial state left behind and even the semi-literate army officers like Amin and Okello were able to maintain or create, have disappeared. This alone demonstrates the positive impact that colonial rule had on Uganda, that they were able to see ability in men like Amin and Okello even though they were semi-literate and yet in Uganda today, the tendency is to view ability only in terms of the possession of academic papers and qualifications.

Internet companies
In the 1990s and 2000s, Internet companies like Yahoo!, Google, Facebook and others emerged to transform the world, often started by drop-outs from American universities. They proved what the British could see as far back as the 1930s: academic qualification is not everything in life.
Even politically and in the areas of human rights, many more Ugandans have died from independence in 1962 to 2010 at the hands of various actors of the Ugandan state than all the Ugandans who died in political and military violence in all Ugandan history before 1962, both in terms of actual numbers and as a percentage of the population.
It was most naive, then, for the first political party in Uganda, the Uganda National Congress and its leaders, to agitate for independence only or mainly on the basis of Africans’ right to dignity and greater participation in the monetary economy, without undertaking serious feasibility studies on whether or not a post-1962 Uganda had the capacity to run its own affairs and manage its finances.


Likewise today, neither the ruling NRM government nor the opposition political parties have an answer to how to create or re-create the Ugandan state to the levels of efficiency that it had before 1962.

Uganda has youngest population

Monday, 20th September, 2010 E-mail article Print article


By Raymond Baguma

UGANDA has the youngest population in the whole world after Niger, according to the latest Population Reference Bureau’s (PRB) 2010 World Population Data Sheet released in July.
The data sheet ranks Niger the worst, with 50.1% of its population below 15 years, while Uganda follows closely with 48.7%. In third place is Burkina Faso, followed by DR Congo, Zambia and Malawi.

Afghanistan, Chad, Somalia and Tanzania are in the top ten countries with the youngest populations in the world.

On the other hand, Japan has the oldest population, with 22.6% of Japanese aged above 65 years. Germany is in second place, followed by Italy, Sweden, Greece, Portugal, Bulgaria, Austria, Latvia and Belgium in tenth position.
Other indicators that are exammined include the birth and death rate, migration rates, population projections, child deaths, fertility rate, life expectancy, prevalence of HIV/AIDS, urban populations, contraceptive use, maternal mortality rate, presence of sanitation facilities and mobile phone subscriptions.

The report establishes a relationship between the respective countries’ population structures, to fertility rates in the named countries. For instance, Niger, which has the youngest population, also has the highest fertility rate in the world at 7.4 children per woman. Uganda in second position also has the second highest fertility rate in the world at 6.5.

“There are two major trends in world population today,” said the PRB president, Bill Butz. “On the one hand, chronically low birth rates in developed countries are beginning to challenge the health and financial security of their elderly.

On the other, the developing countries are adding over 80 million to the population every year and the poorest of those countries are adding 20 million, exacerbating poverty and threatening the environment.”
While the countries with the highest fertility rates are not the most populous in the world, the datasheet points out that countries whose nationals are mainly below 14 years of age, have a high dependency which burdens governments, communities and families.

The datasheet notes that the total population of sub-Saharan Africa stands at 865 people, with young people making up more than 42% of the total population. Sub-Saharan Africa consists of all countries of Africa except the northern African countries of Algeria, Egypt, Libya, Morocco, Tunisia and Western Sahara.
It also shows that this year, the global population has risen to 6.9 billion from 6.1 billion 10 years ago, with high population growth rates recorded in developing countries.
The developed countries, which have a total population of 1.2 billion people, are recording ageing populations as the working age populations dwindle. On the other hand, Africa’s population is expected to stand at about 2.1 billion by 2050.

However, this projection depends on the decline of the continental fertility rate in Africa from 5.2 to about 2.5 by 2050 with rising use of family planning methods.
Countries with high youth dependency are advised to provide high-quality and accessible education and health services to young people.
“Without these investments, children are less likely to grow into healthy and productive adults. But the significant financial costs of meeting children’s health and educational needs are prohibitive for many developing countries,” the report notes.

Population growth:
In population projections, the datasheet shows that Uganda’s population currently stands at 33.8 million people. With the present population growth rate of about 3.4, by mid-2050 the country’s population will stand at 91.3 million people.

Projections for neighbouring countries show that Kenya’s population will rise from the estimated 40 million to about 65.2 million people by 2050; and Rwanda’s population will stand at 28.3 million. Also, Burundi’s population will rise from the current 8.5 million to 16.8 million and Tanzania will be at 109.5 million people.

Mobile phone subscription:

The datasheet also shows that Uganda comes third in the East African region after Kenya and Tanzania with the highest number of mobile phone subscribers per 100 inhabitants.

In Uganda, for every 100 inhabitants, 27 have a mobile phone, while for every 100 Tanzanians, 31 people have a mobile phone. Also, for every 100 Kenyans, 42 have a mobile phone.
In Burundi, for every 100 Burundians, only 6 have a mobile phone, while for every 100 Rwandans, 14 have a mobile phone.

The East African Community member states score high in mobile phone subscription compared to Ethiopia, where out of every 100 Ethiopians, only two have mobile phones.
But in the United Arab Emirates, for every 100 nationals, 209 have a mobile phone.

Sanitation:

About 69% of people in sub-Saharan Africa do not use improved sanitation facilities such as latrines and flush toilets.

The situation varies depending on location, with rural areas worst off. However, the use of improved sanitation is particularly low in some urban environments as well.
In sub-Saharan Africa, only 44% of urban residents use improved sanitation. In Uganda, the report cites, only 38% of the urban population uses improved sanitation facilities.

Security teams to vet parties, weddings

Monday, 20th September, 2010 E-mail article Print article


By Patrick Jaramogi

THE Police have issued new guidelines for public gatherings and events in Kampala. Under the new guidelines issued yesterday, wedding receptions will only go ahead after getting clearance from the Inspector General of Police (IGP).

Kampala metropolitan Police commander Andrew Sorowen yesterday announced the new measures for gatherings of more than five people in the city and its suburbs. The measures cover Kampala Metropolitan area, which includes the city, Entebbe, Wakiso and Mukono districts and parts of Mpigi and Luwero districts.

He said the measures, which he described as “reminders”, take immediate effect.

“We are sounding a warning. No gathering of more than five people, even if it is in your compound, should be held without clearance from the Inspector General of Police. People intending to hold wedding parties, music galas, football matches and road processions should notify the IGP first,” said Sorowen.

“We want to ensure safety of our people. If 32 million Ugandans use their eyes and ears, there will be no space for terrorists in Uganda,” he said.
He told New Vision separately that the same measures affect funerals, vigils, last funeral rites (nyimbe) and bibanda, (local makeshift video halls).
He told the press at the Kampala Central Police Station that the Force would “block” gatherings that are not cleared by the IGP.

“It can’t be your human rights to wake up one day and decide to organise a rally. Yet when innocent people die from terrorist bombs, the Government is blamed for not providing security to its citizens. It is our role as police to ensure that citizens of this country are safe,” he said.
Sorowen noted that those intending to organise such events must do so in writing and hand-deliver the notification individually to avoid unnecessary delays.
“Get this right. We are not saying you should get permission from the Inspector General of Police but notify him. He is the only one who can ensure that enough security is deployed to guarantee safety of the people during such events,” he explained.

Sorowen said gatherings would not be allowed in markets.

He also noted that organisers should submit to the Police proof that the venue intended for such gatherings is cleared by the owners.

“The organisers should notify the Police a week in advance and indicate the venue, date, day and number of people expected at such gatherings,” he said.

Sorowen said the same applies to funerals and vigils. “Places like funerals attract very many people. Terrorists can use this chance to cause more mayhem. The vehicles also need protection from vandalism,” he added.

Sorowen asked district and divisional Police commanders to ensure that the bibanda (makeshift entertainment structures) have adequate security measures.
“Those who can’t afford the security gadgets, should hire bouncers or ask the Police to provide security,” he said.

He warned that local authorities that license the bibanda should ensure that they have security safeguards.

The Police have proposed enactment of the Public Order Management Bill which provides for management of public gatherings. But human rights activists and the opposition have criticised it, saying it is an attempt to restrict political demonstrations and assemblies of a similar nature.
But Police chief, Maj. Gen. Kale Kayihura, told journalists last week that the proposed law is meant to ensure that the rights of non-protestors and protestors are safeguarded ahead of the general elections. “What people require is clearance and not permission,” said Kayihura.
The proposed Bill, if passed, would give powers to the Inspector General of Police to “regulate the conduct of public meetings.”

Museveni, Kigongo, Kadaga, unopposed

Amama Mbabazi morale-boosts his supporters during the campaigns at Namboole stadiumAmama Mbabazi morale-boosts his supporters during the campaigns at Namboole stadium

                                  Amama Mbabazi morale-boosts his supporters during the campaigns at Namboole stadium

By Milton Olupot and Barbara Among


SECURITY minister Amama Mbabazi was yesterday headed for a clear victory in the highly contested election for post of secretary general of the ruling National Resistance Movement.

Over 15,000 delegates gathered at Namboole stadium first endorsed President Yoweri Museveni as the party’s flag-bearer in next February’s presidential elections.
Provisional results announced by the NRM electoral commission chairperson, Felicitus Magomu, showed Mbabazi was ahead of his three opponents, including the Vice-President Prof. Gilbert Bukenya, by a wide margin.

The acrimonious poll was characterised by accusations of manipulation, vote rigging and nepotism.

Other contenders were Maj. Gen. Kahinda Otafiire, Makerere University lecturer Elijah Mushemeza and Lwemiyaga MP Theodore Sekikuubo.

Candidates traded accusations at each other, forcing the party chairman, President Yoweri Museveni, to intervene time and again during their campaign speeches.

Otafiire, Bukenya, Ssekikubo and Mushemeza accused the incumbent of failing to run the NRM secretariat, messing up the primary elections, employing his family in party positions, not being accessible and scrambling for so many positions in the government and in the party.

The heat was turned on when Otafiire accused Mbabazi and the NRM electoral commission of rigging the process by failing to avail the candidates with the register of delegates. Otafiire also said the genuine delegates had been locked out and the wrong ones allowed in.

“Those contesting for positions are the same ones organising the elections. How free is this process?” he asked.

Waving two different accreditation cards, Otafiire asked Museveni: “Which of these cards will be used?”

One of the cards contained names and bore photos of the holder and the other had no identification.

He said Mbabazi had paid delegates less allowances than they were supposed to receive. Earlier, Mbabazi had reported to Museveni that a candidate was maligning his name by alleging that he had pocketed part of the allowances.

“I was the one who said it and I am going to repeat it here that delegates got less money than they were supposed to receive,” said Otafiire.

Ssekikubo accused Mbabazi of placing his family members to run the delegates conference. “It can’t be a party of one family, wife on women’s league and daughter as head of youth. We need clean hands to lead the party. I have clean hands,” said Ssekikubo.

Mbabazi vehemently denied that he had pocketed the delegates allowances, saying Otafiire was simply uninformed.

Magomu had an uphill task explaining to the candidates that the register was genuine and no rigging would take place.

“We are going to use the registers and not the cards around their necks. We have asked the district chairpersons and administrative secretaries of each district to go through the register and they have confirmed that those are their delegates.

When it came campaign time, vote buying was the norm contrary to the party’s rule. Candidates openly dished out money. The delegates scrambled for the spoils as campaign agents sorted out their votes. Money, T-shirts and sodas exchanged hands. The voting process got underway at about 4:30pm.

The positions of deputy secretary general was contested for by Dorothy Hyuha, the incumbent, Rose Namayanja, who was said to be in the lead, and Jacob Oulanyah. Betty Bigombe stepped down for Oulanyah.

The deputy treasurer position drew five candidates including the incumbent, Singh Katongole, Henry Banyenzaki, Dr. Noah Byenkya, Stephen Masinde and Davidson Serunjogi.

For the western regional vice-chairperson post, Brig. Matayo Kyaligonza was poised to retain his position. He competed against MP Chris Baryomunsi and Charles Asiimwe.

Karamoja region was poised to elect its first female regional chairperson, Janet Okorimoe, who was by press time in the lead. In Kampala region, Muhamad Nsereko was in the lead followed by former MP Francis Babu and Keneth Tukwekiriza.

In Central region, former MP Mulindwa Birimumaso was in the lead, closely followed by Abdul Naduli and Muyanja Mbabaali.

Dokolo MP Okot Ogong stood down for businessman Sam Engola for the position of vice-chairperson the northern region. This left five people in the race, including incumbent Lt Gen. Moses Ali. The race was, however, between Engola and energy minister Hillary Onek, who was poised to win.

In a surprise move, Kampala mayor Al Hajji Nasser Sebaggala walked in as the voting went on. It was not clear under what circumstances he was attending the meeting.

AU slams latest al Shabaab attack

Kampala


The African Union yesterday condemned an attack by Somali militant group, al Shabaab, on a hotel in Mogadishu that left 32 people dead. Reports from Mogadishu said the dead included six members of the Somali parliament, five government officials and 21 civilians.

The Special Representative of the Chairperson of the African Union Commission for Somalia, Mr Boubacar Gaoussou Diarra, in reference to the Ramadhan season, bemoaned the fact that the group had attacked the hotel in defiance of one of the key pillars of the Islamic faith that they claim to profess.

“It is sad to learn that armed opposition groups do not see the wisdom of giving peace a chance in their country,” said Ambassador Diarra. “Today’s attack on innocent civilians clearly demonstrates the cowardly and barbaric mindset of those opposed to the peace process and cannot be condoned. I, on behalf of the African Union, would like to call upon all warring parties in the Somali conflict to stop such barbaric attacks on innocent civilian population.”

Amisom safe

No soldiers belonging to the African Union peacekeeping force – to which Uganda has contributed soldiers – were killed in the attack that came on the second day of heavy fighting between al Shabaab and troops of the transitional government, who are backed by the AU.
The spokesman for the AU peacekeepers, Maj. Ba-hoku Barigye, yesterday told the BBC that an 11-year-old shoe-shine boy and a woman selling tea in front of the hotel were among the dead. Reports say the al Shabaab fighters entered the hotel disguised as government soldiers, opened fire on the guard and then one of them blew himself up inside the building.


The attack is the second most daring raid on premises housing AU forces or the Somali government. Late last year, al Shabaab fighters drove a truck disguised as a UN vehicle into an AU compound and blew it up, killing the then deputy force commander, Maj. Gen. Juvenal Niyonguruza.

The latest incident comes nearly two months since al Shabaab claimed responsibility for twin bombings in Kampala that killed 76 people who were watching the 2010 World Cup final in Kabalagala and the Kyadondo Rugby Grounds.

Orphaned after playing dead

Natalie Wong


Wednesday, August 25, 2010
Fifteen-year-old Tracey Wong Cheuk- yiu survived the Manila tour-bus massacre by playing dead on the floor as the crazed gunman opened up.

Last night she was recovering with minor foot injuries - but her parents and aunt were slain.

Wong told reporters from her hospital bed: "I hid under a chair. Police threw in tear gas and many people could hardly breath."

She learned later in the day that her father Wong Tze-lam, 51, and mother Yeung Yee-wa, 44, along with aunt Yeung Yee-kam, 46, were killed.

Her brother Jason Wong Ching-nat, 12, was among those released by the gunman before the carnage started.

Wong worked as an operation station officer with the MTR for more than 20 years. The company will pay his family a death gratuity equivalent to 52 months' salary.

The Wong tragedy unfolded as other heartbreaking stories emerged from the bloodshed.

Yik Siu-ling, 32, is in serious condition in Philippines General Hospital after she was shot in the lower jaw and lost two fingers.

She apparently used her hand to shield her face when struck by the bullet.

Yik's husband, Joe Chan Kwok- chu, 46, has gunshot wounds to the stomach and head. He is in stable condition.

Fu Cheuk-yan, 30, was killed, but his 40-year-old wife Tsang Yee-lai was released with her two children on Monday afternoon.
Tsang is a nurse at the Kowloon Hospital, which has promised her every help.

Lo Kam Fun, 66, and her daughter Lee Ying Chuen, 33, were both slightly injured during the siege.

Tour leader Masa Tse Ting-chunn, 31, was killed about one hour after he was handcuffed by the gunman to the exit of the coach.

Tse had alerted Hong Thai in Hong Kong of the hijacking using his cell phone. The gunman later used Tse to shield him during negotiations with police.

Tse, who is single, joined Hong Tai as a part-time tour leader five years ago.

More than 4,000 people went online to pay him tribute. A netizen named Shantal wrote: "You're the hero of Hong Kong. We're proud of you."

The Hong Kong Travel Industry (Outbound) Tour Escort and Tour Guide Union issued a statement saying: "He was a professional escort assisting tourists till the last moment in the tragic event."

Torn apart

Natalie Wong


Wednesday, August 25, 2010

Of the five members of the Leung family on the Manila death bus, only Mrs Leung - Amy Ng Yau-woon - left it alive and unhurt.

Husband Ken Leung Kam-wing, 58, and daughters Doris Leung Chung-see, 21, and Jessie Leung Song-yi, 14, lay dead.

Nineteen-year-old son Jason Leung Song-xue was carried away in a critical state with a head injury.

Mrs Leung said she only survived because her husband used his body to shield her from a hail of bullets. And even if she had escaped physical harm, she was being torn apart by grief.

When officials from the Philippine government visited her yesterday, she had nothing for them but recriminations and tears.

"You have come too late," she cried. "Why was there no assistance when we were being held hostage for several hours?

"I know the gunman initially didn't want to kill us as he was making requests to the Philippine government. Why couldn't you satisfy him? Was it because of money?"

That said, her thoughts returned to son Jason, in intensive care after undergoing brain surgery.
In Hong Kong, meanwhile, Leung family friends and colleagues were talking of the lost ones.

Ken Leung, who was managing director of Stadium Asia and who attended the same secondary school as lawmaker Fred Li Wah-ming, was being recalled by contemporaries in the University of Hong Kong industrial engineering class of 1977 as as "a straightforward, straight-talking man" who was always helpful and "gave 100 percent of himself to everything he did.

" They wrote: "By all accounts, Ken made the ultimate sacrifice, using his body to shield his loved ones from the killer's bullets.

"For his classmates, this was only to be expected of this brave man. We feel very sad, but are proud of him.

"We offer our deepest condolences to Ken's wife, Amy, and son, Jason, who is critically ill in hospital, and all the families and friends of the victims of this terrible and tragic event."

Doris had been studying in Canada and Jessie, the youngest victim of the tragedy, was a Form Two student at the Hong Kong Management Association David Li Kwok Po College.
The school has set up a memorial blog to mourn her and to send get-well wishes to her brother, who is an alumnus of the college.

Principal Nicholas Puiu described Jessie and Jason as "polite, well-spoken, well-mannered students who were a pleasure to teach."

Opposition nominates four for presidential contest

JEEMA presidential candidate Hussein Kyanjo (L) greets his FDC counterpart Kizza Besigye yesterday at Kololo, Kampala. The Inter-Party Cooperation conducted nominations for candidates intending to carry the presidential flag for the joint opposition. PICTURE BY YUSUF MUZIRANSA


Four candidates have been nominated to contest in a race that will determine who carries the flag for the coalition of five opposition political parties in next year’s presidential elections.

Forum for Democratic Change (FDC) president Kizza Besigye, Hajj Hussein Kyanjo of the Justice Forum party, Conservative Party’s James Kigongo and Social Democratic Party president Michael Mabikke were yesterday nominated amid heightened security at Kololo.

Supporters of the candidates danced and ululated as they were declared dully nominated in an exercise presided over by IPC National Electoral Affairs chairman Rubaramira Ruranga.

However, speculation about the absence of Uganda People’s Congress leader Olara Otunnu threatened to overshadow the exercise.

Otunnu fears

The UPC reportedly asked for more time to deal with internal matters—mainly related to Mr Otunnu’s pending court case in which the state accuses him of sedition.

The IPC hastily organised a meeting and agreed to give the UPC a week to finish its internal processes and present its candidate for nomination.

Dr Besigye said Otunnu will show up for nominations as soon as the opposition successfully challenges the “illegal” arrest warrant issued against him.
At Kololo, each of the four nominated candidates was allowed 10 minutes to outline their programmes. Prof. Kigongo promised to introduce a federal system of government, saying it is the best solution to dictatorship and the NRM’s decentralisation programme.

Dr Besigye told the audience, “Let us unite and move forward rather than be scattered in fear. The 2011 elections must be about the future of Uganda not about the past.”
your candidate, and if you doubt me, go and ask my wife.”


He added, “If you are a businessman, I am a candidate of your choice, if you are that person who is tired of corruption, nepotism, and corruption with impunity, I am your candidate.”

Mr Mabikke said, “SDP has made its research and it is true that the opposition is going to win the 2011 elections.”

Mr Kyanjo said, “If you are a woman who is interested in a bright future, I am your candidate, and if you doubt me, go and ask my wife.”

He added, “If you are a businessman, I am a candidate of your choice, if you are that person who is tired of corruption, nepotism, and corruption with impunity, I am your candidate.”

Mr Mabikke said, “SDP has made its research and it is true that the opposition is going to win the 2011 elections

Mao: When I become president

Written by Hussein Bogere

Sunday, 15 August 2010 18:03

With few months away to the 2011 presidential elections, HUSSEIN BOGERE asked presidential hopefuls NORBERT MAO and KIZZA BESIGYE what they would do about some of Uganda’s most outstanding problems if they won.

If tomorrow you assumed power, how would your government deal with the issue of corruption?

I believe the best way to deal with corruption is through personal example. You can set up an Anti-Corruption Court, you can appoint an Inspector General of Government, you can have an auditor general, you can even involve the intelligence community, but if you are perceived as corrupt at the top, no one is going to change their ways.
So, three things are required to tackle corruption; leading from the front through personal example, ruthless measures against well known thieves, and the society frowning upon and shunning those in possession of ill-gotten wealth. As long as we praise thieves, thieving will be considered normal. And that has undermined the reputation of politicians.

Politics is now seen as an avenue for eating, not an avenue for leadership. Personal example is the key in fighting corruption. As we say, you cannot preach water and drink wine; you must walk the talk. I have said before that the fish rots from the head. The rot in the society needs major surgery. As president, I would tackle corruption ruthlessly, as opposed to what Museveni is doing which is similar to treating a cancer using Vaseline. The cancer has got to be cut out.

There seems to be a breakdown of public infrastructure in spite of the large amounts of money pumped in, how differently could the sector be handled?

The NRM government has been trying to undermine what was done in the past simply because they don’t want to acknowledge that the UPC government ever did anything good. But the public works department saved us a lot of money. It had employees who maintained specific sections of the road by making sure that no road was neglected. We would revive the public works department.

We will also invest in the railway because it would take away the burden from the roads so that they are largely for light loads. We would also empower local governments with equipment so that most of the work is done by government employees as opposed to private contractors who charge several times more than the normal cost of the road. We would revise the procurement process so that it is tighter. We would disclose the amount the government is willing to spend to eliminate competition based on pricing.

The breakdown of the infrastructure is partly to blame for the congestion within the city, but how can it be decongested?

Actually, we believe in another capital city. I think Kampala should be a commercial city and we build a new administrative city. Nigeria has done it, Tanzania has done it, and Brazil did it decades ago. A government led by the DP would definitely consult and come up with a new political capital. As for the congestion in Kampala, there are only three things to be done.

We have got to ensure that we have bigger roads and that means enforcing building regulations. It is not too difficult to enforce building regulations. Our government would go into a joint venture to provide public transportation. For those who don’t want to use passenger service vehicles, the licence fee would go higher. That will help deal with how many taxis or boda-bodas we have, particularly for the central business district. If you are operating there, the cost of the licence will determine whether you really get involved in that kind of business.

UTODA can be a Uganda government joint venture where government can guarantee huge loans for them to bring in buses. We also need to create some parks within the city and we should have at least 15 bus terminals in the area around Kampala with clearly demarcated bus stops, and that means we must get the expertise needed to plan a public transportation system. We will also enforce the traffic court. Right now our city is a free for all.

How do you rate the health sector?

Our health is in a shambles; that is why those who can afford it go abroad. Most Ugandans know that our health system was better in the decades past than now. Those days Mulago was a world class hospital. I still believe the government can transform Mulago into a world-class hospital and we can transform other health centres into modern facilities.

There has got to be a combination of public and private health services. We would procure modern medical equipment. The reason why people go to India and other places is because in Uganda we don’t have the basic equipment. There is a long queue in Mulago for those who want examination by endoscopy. Basic diagnostic machines are not available.

Secondly, we would increase the pay for health workers, probably anything up to Shs 3 million and more. Our policy would be to stem the brain drain. They need houses, good working conditions, assurance that they need to keep their body and souls within Uganda. We would also have to invest in training specialists. Uganda needs a younger team of specialists.

New diseases and epidemics are breaking out in Uganda. We must be able to invest in that kind of specialisation, and also in research. Our government would publish a patient bill of rights. A patient needs to know that when I go to a hospital these are my rights and no one can put a discount on them. We would have strategic partnerships in the region.

Why can’t East African countries invest in a health facility where heart surgeries and other complicated surgeries can be done? We can bring those specialists from Indian and we have a hospital within the region. There is no reason why we should not have a facility in our region where people can have these advanced medical examinations and treatments that would save our people the expenses of going abroad. I also believe that the health budget is too low.

We have got to increase the health budget so that essential drugs are available, but above all, our government would invest more in preventive healthcare. We still don’t have the financial muscle to do all the things we would want to do. There are simple things that citizens have to do; drinking boiled water, sleeping under a mosquito net, using pit latrines, basic sanitation. And also, health is not about hospitals and medicines. We would make sure that our approach to public health is holistic.

If you don’t provide clean water to the people, there is no way they are going to be healthy, if they are too poor, their diet is going to be predominantly starch; then they end up with diabetes. We would revive the public health sector.

There must be vigorous enforcement of the public health laws. We would also protect our citizens from being victims of dumping. Most of the drugs that come into the country are fit for disposal. Uganda is used as a dumping ground. For a country at the level of economic growth of Uganda, prevention would make economic sense.

We need to protect our citizens from quacks; we need supervision of health workers, an army of public health inspectors to ensure that people know that they have a responsibility to the public. I think the government has left the citizens at the mercy of private clinic owners. The government must ensure that it is present in the health sector. It is not enough to claim that people are buying drugs or training a few doctors. What the citizens want is that those who mistreat citizens pay a price.

You have been known to be critical of UPE and USE introduced by the NRM government, how differently would you approach them?

By having an education system that is not equitable, we are developing two Ugandas; the Uganda of the rich and one of the poor. It was actually good for government to offer universal education and a level of access in secondary education. But access isn’t enough, we also need quality. The world is very competitive. Many of the kids who go to UPE schools are doomed to 3rd rate education.

The only ones that escape are the lucky ones that get a sponsor. The education in the university depends on grades. You cannot get good grades unless you go to the good schools. That means the poor are being marginalised. I believe that by only concentrating on access as opposed to quality, the government is just giving the poor some painkiller, not a cure.

In my view, our kids go to school so that they can learn social skills, how to take care of their bodies, to figure out solutions to problems that are going to confront them in their lives, so as to deepen their faith. In other words, we need a holistic education system. We cannot just have an education system that is exam centred. The education system should not just be about printing certificates.
We would review the education system completely. What is required is that government should upgrade the schools around the country; that teachers have houses. Our teachers should also be well paid. The low pay for teachers has turned them into laughing stocks. I believe we have got to make UPE schools suitable for anybody. Right now anybody who has got a bit of money is scared of taking his kid to a UPE school.

Another issue that is co-joined with education is employment, or the lack of it. Is this a problem in Uganda and if so, how can it be tackled?

Uganda needs to concentrate on polytechnic education. There are many people clad in neckties and suits with clipboards chasing very few jobs. The Ugandan economy creates less than 20,000 jobs every year yet more than 50,000 people graduate every year. So, we are only meeting 40% of the job needs and the figures are cumulative.

What we need now is to tap into the global economy by having information and call centres the way India is doing, so that we can give international jobs locally. Secondly, we need an education system to equip our people with skills to make something, whether chairs or candles, or table clothes; you have something to sell and that means all you need to do is get a buyer.

But if all you can do is to say that you can do anything when asked, then it is a disaster. It is important, in my view, that our universities be linked to the job market, diversify our education system, teach people trade that equips them with means to make something that they can sell, tap into global trends using technology, harness the power of the internet to create opportunities for our people. We also need to consider the need for relevance.

We need to invest in sciences. There will never be a shortage of opportunities for those who are skilled in computer, mechanical, or even civil engineering. We need to train more doctors and look after them. We need to interest our people in fields like agriculture.

People must know that you can get rich through organic farming, green houses, you can tap into international markets. In the next election, the question of employment is going to be very crucial. A problem like unemployment requires innovation, that is why we are proposing that our government would invest in sectors that are modern; science and technology, computers, call centres and tour guides.

Public infrastructure also offers opportunities for jobs every time we have highways and dams being built, school and hospital projects. All those are opportunities for jobs. We must make sure that there is a hub where Ugandans can get information on job opportunities. It is possible we can create 100,000 jobs every year.

One of the avenues the NRM has used to create jobs for its cadres is through balkanisation, will your government reverse the process?

As a general policy we don’t need new districts because that has not improved service delivery. Our challenge is to strengthen sub-counties so that they can give us access to services that districts can give. The districts have now become a lounge for job seekers. I am not an apologist of these new districts. My view would be to build stronger sub-county governments.

The discovery of oil is another issue that is proving to be contentious, how can it be handled to avoid conflict?

Uganda, as the cliché goes, is gifted by nature but, we are cursed with corrupt leaders. The question, as we go into 2011, is who would you trust with Uganda’s oil wealth? To manage oil wealth requires a government which is not tainted with corruption. If we elect NRM, then we know our oil is going to be sold to the highest bidder and the proceeds shared between a clique, which is in charge of government and probably some foreign interests.

The ordinary citizens may not benefit. But what would we do with the oil? I don’t know what is going to happen in Southern Sudan, but if it is independent, then it is possible for Uganda to collaborate with Southern Sudan to have one oil refinery in Uganda to refine the oil in Sudan and the one we are to extract.

So, it would require some cross-border collaboration. Secondly, we will also ensure that we get involved in some retail business because cash flow is very important. Countries like Venezuela are benefiting from having petrol stations in North and South America. I have proposed before that Uganda could consider acquiring the outlets of Shell.

Other people think that government should not be in that kind of business but I believe you can have efficiently run parastatals like National Water and Sewarage Corporation. Thirdly, this oil doesn’t belong only to those who are alive today, but also the unborn. It is our duty to create a future fund where the money from oil can be kept so that even those who will be born when there is no more oil flowing will benefit from the oil money.

It works in Norway. We would offer better stewardship for oil than any other government on account of our fight against corruption. So the challenge is of good stewardship and this means that you must know that this is a public asset, not private.

And finally, federalism and Buganda issues which have become a hot potato in our politics. Have your views changed on federalism?

Not at all, I belong to DP and since 1961 it has supported federalism. You could call it democratic federalism; there is no contradiction between being strongly republican and also being strongly decentralised. There is no overwhelming reason why our government shouldn’t support federalism.

Implementing federalism would also reduce this winner-take-all mentality. It would reduce the life and death struggle for power which we currently witness in Uganda. It would also make the sharing of national wealth equitable. Right now, local governments receive 20% of the national budget. Under federalism the figure would increase, giving the local government more say in prioritisation and allocation of public resources.

I also believe that the struggle for power would reduce because if power is at the local level, the struggle to capture Kampala would be less fierce because there would be power at these levels. DP will hold a national conference to discuss this matter and then the question will be put to a national referendum so that it is settled once and for all.

How will your government improve the wellbeing of its citizens?

First of all, we would guarantee a minimum budget of agriculture at 10%. That is not too big; it is actually what was agreed on in Maputo. In Uganda, the agriculture budget is being cut very frequently yet it employs over 70% of our people. I think that is where most of our money should go. Secondly, we would create what we call a citizens’ empowerment fund to support small and medium size enterprises.

Thirdly, we shall not be shy to lock out foreigners from retail trade. Our government would invite investors in wholesale trade, retail trade would be exclusively for citizens. I think it is important that we have a policy that protects certain sectors. We also believe that we should project our strength by negotiating on issues of trade.

We should be able to export some of our organic fruits to these foreign markets and make sure we project our strengths. Our government would strengthen our ability to bargain because much as we are weak, we are not as weak as we think. It is only that we haven’t known our strength. We can negotiate as a block, either as East Africa or Africa.

In short, our agenda for fighting poverty would be promoting exports, investing in agriculture to support small and medium enterprises, opening more retail avenues for our people, and also re-tooling our people. We will also revive cooperatives. We believe cooperatives allowed access to markets to even the people in the villages. We would also need to open a farmers’ bank. The cooperative bank was shut down so farmers need to contend with these loan sharks.

Is 'Grandpa Wen' as nice as he seems?

By Michael Bristow

BBC News, Beijing


Mr Wen has visited the scene of several recent natural disasters, including landslide-hit Zhouqu Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao stood shoulder to shoulder with rescuers as they searched for survivors at the scene of a recent landslide in Gansu province.

Dressed in casual clothes and wearing an expression of concern, he spoke words of encouragement to residents trapped beneath the rubble of their collapsed homes.

"Folks, hold on - we're trying to pull you out," he shouted in the direction of where two people were thought to be still alive.

This is not the first time Mr Wen has visited a disaster or shown sympathy with ordinary people struggling to adapt to a rapidly changing society.

He has consoled the elderly, sympathised with stranded travellers and shed public tears.

It has allowed the premier to become perhaps the country's favourite politician. He is seen as a man of the people and known affectionately as Grandpa Wen.

But not everyone believes this image to be a true reflection of the premier's character.

The title of a new book by Chinese writer Yu Jie leaves little doubt about the views of its author. It is entitled China's Best Actor: Wen Jiabao.
Continue reading the main story

“
Start Quote
The policies supported by the premier are very different from his behaviour in front of the media ”

End Quote

Yu Jie
Author

Mr Yu contends that Mr Wen's frequent visits to the scenes of disaster are just a show of concern; he does not support the policies that would really show he cares.

"[Chinese President] Hu Jintao's personality is steady and cold. He likes to give orders from behind the scenes. Acting is not his strong point," reads one extract from the book.

"Wen Jiabao makes up for his shortage. He likes to be down mines, visiting farmhouses, crying his heart out," it goes
Mr Yu believes the premier is acting, only showing he cares so people will maintain their trust in the government.

Contradictions

The 37-year-old writer is not alone in these views, but he is certainly in the minority in China, as a selection of online comments following the premier's visit to the landslide reveal.

"If we had more people like Grandpa Wen in China, our country would be more civilised, stronger and richer," said one bowled-over internet user.

Author Yu Jie says that he is monitored by security personnel "We have no fear when disaster happens because we have such a good premier," said another.

But Mr Yu, who has no special contacts within the higher echelons of the Chinese Communist Party, merely advises readers to consider the facts.

"The policies supported by the premier are very different from his behaviour in front of the media and the public. Sometimes they contradict each other," said the writer in an interview.

Mr Yu, whose book is out on Monday, cites the example of the Sichuan earthquake in 2008.

While visiting Sichuan, Mr Wen promised parents whose children died in their classrooms that they would be told why so many schools collapsed in the earthquake.

But the premier never followed up on that promise, said Mr Yu. Instead, independent researchers who tried to find their own answers to this question have been locked up.

It is difficult to assess the accuracy of the author's viewpoint: Chinese politicians, even Mr Wen, rarely give interviews and those they do tend to focus on policies not image.

But one man who has worked with Mr Wen, former official Bao Tong, who lost his job and was imprisoned after the Tiananmen massacre in 1989, seems to think the premier's concern is genuine.

Questioned

It is less difficult to work out why Mr Yu's views are in the minority.

Through their control of the media, China's leaders are able to guard their image in a way that would be impossible without censorship.

Authors who reflect a different point of view are not able to publish books in mainland China. The offering about Mr Wen can only be released in Hong Kong, which has more liberal publishing laws.

Many authors, like political activists, are also monitored by the police.

Mr Yu said he often sees security officers outside his home, particularly at sensitive times, such as when China's annual parliamentary session is being held.

When the authorities found out he was planning to publish a book on Mr Wen - the writer revealed it to friends on the social networking site Twitter - he was hauled in for questioning.

Despite the problems, Mr Yu thinks publishing his book is worth the risk. "I think modern citizens in a modern society should have the right to criticise and be suspicious of their leaders.

"The purpose of this book is not only to criticise individuals and the communist system, but also to develop the idea of freedom of speech.

The story of the African unity effort

The 2010 summit of African heads of state and government opens in Kampala today. It is the latest in many summits by African leaders that go back to the founding of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) on May 25, 1963 as TIMOTHY KALYEGIRA reviews:-

 TRADE TIES: AU Commissioner for Trade Elisabeth Tankeu (l) with Vice President Gilbert Bukenya after launching the African Private Sector Forum in Kampala on Thursday.. PHOTO BY YUSUF MUZIRANSA


The drive to make something of Africa can be traced back to the 1920s and the early efforts by such leaders as the Jamaican Marcus Garvey with his demand that Africans and descendants of Africa dispersed worldwide reclaim their roots and return to their mother continent.
“Africa for the Africans!” was the rallying call. Thousands of Africans were enlisted to fight on behalf of the European colonial nations during the Second World War. They fought in trenches and the open battlefield with European soldiers. They witnessed Europeans fear, fight, win, lose, get injured, and die.

Many Africans, used to Whites in a dominant position at home in the colonies, were shocked to discover that these men too were human after all. The African fighters also felt that since they had risked their lives and shed their blood for this essentially European war, then they should be rewarded with self-rule, if not outright independence. Most independence movements in Africa, then, started or at least gained
momentum after the end of the Second World War.


Soul-searching

Many African students had also been to Europe and the United States for their university education. The racism they encountered and the aloofness of western society caused them to engage in soul-searching.

In 1912, the African National Congress (ANC) was founded in South Africa. It was the first political party in Africa. The ANC, even in those early years, was already viewing Africa as a whole and not just the situation in South Africa.
Among these vocal students in Africa were Nelson Mandela, Kwame Nkrumah, Jomo Kenyatta, Kenneth Kaunda, Leopold Sedar Senghor, Namdi Azikiwe, Ahmed Ben Bella, Julius Nyerere and many others who would go on to become either the first prime ministers of their nations or first presidents and foreign ministers.
The racist policies of White-ruled South Africa, the tensions created by the post-War Cold War and the instability brought on by military coup after military coup starting in 1963 helped solidify a sense of African unity.
Many African children born in the 1960s were named after these African leaders and it is not uncommon to meet people in their 50s and 40s today named Patrick Lumumba, Ben Bella, or “Kinyata” in much of Black Africa. That demonstrated the extent to which even the ordinary people embraced the new sense of oneness on the continent.


However, no sooner had the 1960s decade started than it quickly became clear that this was going to be a disastrous beginning for Africa. There were assassinations in Togo and Nigeria of leaders, military coups in Nigeria, Ghana, Uganda, Comoros, Madagascar, Libya, Somalia, Lesotho, Ethiopia and several other states from the 1960s to the 1990s.

Power struggle

Even as recently as 2000s, just when there was hope that there would be no more coups in Africa, coups resumed in Mauritania, Guinea, Niger and the Comoros.

With the arrival of the new millennium in 2000, the visionaries and dreamers around the world and Africa started looking to the future. There was general talk that this coming 21st century should be Africa’s, it should see a revival or “renaissance” of the African people.

Chief among these dreamers was the mercurial and colourful Libyan leader, Col. Muammar Gaddafi and the then South African President Thabo Mbeki.
Col. Gaddafi started a campaign to reinvigorate the African unity drive, making several trips across the continent and pushed for the name of the OAU to be changed to the African Union, which it became in 2001.

Looking back now, it is hard to see what it was that filled statesmen and the media in Africa and beyond with hope that there was to be an African revival.
In all the efforts toward the achievement of African unity, it was obvious that Africa’s statesmen and bureaucrats were modelling their creations along the lines of the European cooperation moves. The name “African Union” sounded much like the “European Union”.

These Africans who studied in Europe and the United States and fought in British, French and Portuguese units during the war also saw something else; the undeniable advancement, orderliness and prosperity that were western society.

There was never any question that at some stage in the future, Africa’s European colonies had to start moving toward and eventually gain full self-rule. However, a few far-sighted and realistic young and western-educated Africans also knew that the attainment of political self-rule was only the start of a much bigger struggle.This much bigger struggle was the quiet realisation that it could be possible to win political or “flag” independence but still remain in a state of dependence and subordination to European powers and exploitation, if some form of economic unity and growth were not achieved.


With the formation of the OAU came other regional efforts, among them over the years, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the East African Community (EAC), the Inter-governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) , the Southern African Development Community (SADC), the Kagera Basin Organisation (KBO), the Common Market for East and Southern Africa (COMESA), and several other bodies.
It was not clear at the time they were founded and it remains unclear to this day what many of these regional groupings of nations stand for.
The longest-running pan-African effort on the continent has been the Africa Cup of Nations football tournament. It was first played in 1957 and has been one of the few consistent all-Africa efforts, apart from the heads of state summits.
This much bigger struggle was the quiet realisation that it could be possible to win political or “flag” independence but still remain in a state of dependence and subordination to European powers and exploitation, if some form of economic unity and growth were not achieved.


With the formation of the OAU came other regional efforts, among them over the years, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the East African Community (EAC), the Inter-governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) , the Southern African Development Community (SADC), the Kagera Basin Organisation (KBO), the Common Market for East and Southern Africa (COMESA), and several other bodies.

It was not clear at the time they were founded and it remains unclear to this day what many of these regional groupings of nations stand for.

The longest-running pan-African effort on the continent has been the Africa Cup of Nations football tournament. It was first played in 1957 and has been one of the few consistent all-Africa efforts, apart from the heads of state summits.

More plans


The All-Africa Games - a festival of sports mapped after the Olympic and Commonwealth Games - is also staged. In recent years, there have been other major African events spreading into the entertainment fields, notably the Big Brother Africa reality television show, the M-Net Face of Africa modelling competition, the Zain Africa quiz challenge and the Kora African music awards
 
Most of these pan-African entertainment competitions have been held in South Africa as South Africa is the only country with the resources, glamour and facilities to host such major television extravaganzas.


As a matter of fact, one of the major ironies of recent African history has been how the pariah country, South Africa, moved from its isolation of the apartheid years to becoming not only the pride of the continent but the one country that has helped drive economic growth in the fields of mining, mobile telephony, supermarket chains and the media.

The journey from most shunned country to most glorified climaxed this month with the hosting of the football World Cup finals in South Africa. However, the African unity effort also has shown its weaker side over the decades. When famine struck Ethiopia and eastern Sudan in 1984, it was a British Pop music campaign that brought the tragedy to international prominence, not the OAU headquarters in Addis Ababa.

With civil war raging in Somalia, even after desperate calls have been made to African countries to contribute peacekeeping troops to the war-torn country, so far it has only been Burundi and Uganda that have responded and neighbouring Ethiopia intervened in any direct way.

Africans have long had an ambivalent view of each other. Many in sub-Saharan Africa often complain about the racism they face in North Africa and during the World Cup finals or the Africa Cup of Nations, there remains a distinct air of indifference by Black African countries when it comes to supporting the
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Most of these pan-African entertainment competitions have been held in South Africa as South Africa is the only country with the resources, glamour and facilities to host such major television extravaganzas.

As a matter of fact, one of the major ironies of recent African history has been how the pariah country, South Africa, moved from its isolation of the apartheid years to becoming not only the pride of the continent but the one country that has helped drive economic growth in the fields of mining, mobile telephony, supermarket chains and the media.

The journey from most shunned country to most glorified climaxed this month with the hosting of the football World Cup finals in South Africa. However, the African unity effort also has shown its weaker side over the decades. When famine struck Ethiopia and eastern Sudan in 1984, it was a British Pop music campaign that brought the tragedy to international prominence, not the OAU headquarters in Addis Ababa.

With civil war raging in Somalia, even after desperate calls have been made to African countries to contribute peacekeeping troops to the war-torn country, so far it has only been Burundi and Uganda that have responded and neighbouring Ethiopia intervened in any direct way.
Africans have long had an ambivalent view of each other. Many in sub-Saharan Africa often complain about the racism they face in North Africa and during the World Cup finals or the Africa Cup of Nations, there remains a distinct air of indifference by Black African countries when it comes to supporting the North African teams.

African migrants and refugees regularly complain of mistreatment in North Africa as they attempt to cross the Mediterranean Sea into Europe.

Most of the gruesome massacres of the 1990s civil wars in Burundi, Congo, Liberia, Rwanda, Sierra Leone and Somalia have been of African against African.

There is still very little trade between African countries. Communications ventures like the SEACOM, ESSYS, and other undersea fibre optic Internet and data cables, although they carry the symbolism of African connectivity, are largely European in financing and capital.

The Sudanese businessman, Mr Mohammed Ibrahim, has instituted a prize to be awarded to African leaders who either govern well or leave power without a fight. It says a lot about the state of leadership in Africa that this prize had to be created at all or that in some years, no African leader meets the criterion that the prize demands.

In November 2008 when the US Senator, Mr Barack Obama, was elected as the first Black President of the United States, the euphoria that greeted that way was one of the greatest in recent African history.

Many Africans were convinced that this was the start of a new day for them. By mid-2010, the Obama euphoria had largely died out across Africa as Africans went about their back-breaking daily routine and struggles, having realised that apart from the token and symbolism, Mr Obama was no more a voice of hope for Africa than his predecessors in the White House.


This inability of President Obama to impact the continent of his birth should not have come as a surprise. Before Mr Obama, there had been several key African and Black first in key international positions but with little to show for it.

Kofi Annan in the 1990s and Chief Emeka Anyoku of Ghana and Nigeria became United Nations and Commonwealth Secretaries General respectively, but the bearing of these offices did not halt the 1990s civil wars and the ravages of Aids, for example.
Africa remains a weak continent. It remains the poorest continent in almost all measurements - its contribution to world trade, number of phones, TV sets, doctors per 1,000 people, Internet connectivity, number of Twitter and Facebook users, road network size, electricity consumption, literacy and other development or progress indicators.

As a percentage of any global figure, Africa consistently shows lower single-digit figures. Some of this weakness can be seen in the meetings that world power nations hold with Africa. China and France in recent years have held joint summits with dozens of African countries and a handful of African countries are regularly invited to G-8 and G-20 in what usually turns out to be more token and politically correct gesture than substantive meeting.


In the 1990s as Africa was being trumpeted as the next frontier of international investment and growth, many did not see an Asian giant rising in the form of China. That 1990s decade was largely squandered by Africa.

Today, China has become the world’s second-largest economy and has swiftly and successfully taken up the place that should have been Africa’s. Africa, for its turn, has become what many would consider a dumping ground for cheap Chinese manufactured goods.

There is also a rush by several established and rising world powers to secure Africa’s gold mines, oil and natural gas reserves that seem to be discovered very often these days.

There are few signs that African countries will be able to pool together their political, diplomatic and military resources to fight off the new designs by foreign powers on their resources.

Cause for celebration?The Africa whose leaders sit in Kampala this week will have a few immediate things to celebrate, most of it being the football World Cup and perhaps the impression in their minds that Africa is now no longer ignored as it once was in world affairs.


Much of this, though, remains unrealistic optimism. As the older generations that remember the days before or not long after independence, many have become circumspect and it is often said by them that on hindsight, the colonial era, with its sense of order and efficiency, might after all have been the golden age of Africa, the humiliation of being ruled notwithstanding.Many more Africans certainly have been tortured, killed, raped, maimed and reduced to poverty in the independence era than those that suffered these abuses during all of the colonial period combined.

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Death toll reaches 74

Kampala


The death toll following Sunday night’s bomb explosions that ripped through a city restaurant and sports club climbed to 74 yesterday, as reports trickled in that the Somali Islamist militia group, al Shabaab had claimed responsibility for the attacks.

The development came as President Museveni declared a week of national mourning for victims of the bomb blasts starting today. A statement from Presidency Minister Beatrice Wabudeya said the President had taken the decision “due to the barbaric and cowardly act”.

Reuters news agency quoted Sheikh Ali Mohamud Rage, al Shabaab’s spokesman, telling reporters in Mogadishu: “Al Shabaab was behind the two bomb blast in Uganda.”

A report by the Chinese news agency Xinhua said a senior member of the Somali terrorist group had said the blasts were reprisal attacks against Uganda for sending peacekeepers to Mogadishu under the auspices of the African Union. “We have reached our object,” said the senior al Shabaab militant, who reportedly declined to be named. “We have killed many Christians in the enemy capital (Kampala).”

Three explosive devices were detonated on Sunday at the Ethiopian Village Restaurant in Kabalagala and at the Kyadondo Rugby Club where hundreds of revellers were watching the World Cup final match between Spain and the Netherlands.

Suspects arrested
Security agencies yesterday made some arrests in connection with the attacks. The police declined to give details, saying the investigations were ongoing. However, a source said one of the suspects was arrested at Oasis Mall in the heart of Kampala.

Primary Health Care Minister James Kakooza told reporters at Mulago Hospital, where friends and relatives of victims of the blasts have pitched camp since Sunday, that at least 70 people had been confirmed dead. But Mr Fred Opolot, the executive director of the Uganda Media Centre, told a media briefing late last evening that a preliminary report put the death toll at 74.

Twenty-eight were Ugandans, 11 Ethiopians/Eritreans, one Irish lady and an Asian. Thirty-three people are still unidentified. “We expect the number to rise because some people were taken to private clinics,” said the minister.

Recounting events in the aftermath of the blast, Mr Kakooza reported that at least 58 people had been admitted at Mulago Hospital “with serious injuries”. “Last night [Sunday] five died on arrival,” he said, “three have since died in intensive care unit.”

The minister said three American nationals who had been admitted at the hospital were transferred yesterday to the International Hospital Kampala “for evacuation to Nairobi.” He also reported that three people were “in critical condition” on life support, while 45 were undergoing surgery after sustaining different injuries including head, chest, abdominal and soft-tissue injury.
“We have ordered the National Medical stores to immediately supply Mulago with x-ray films, canulars and any other medical equipment needed right away,” he said. “Ugandans should be calm because we shall do whatever is possible to save the lives of those still under our care.”

President Museveni visited bed-ridden victims at Mulago and found moment to inspect the bomb blast scenes. All flags on public buildings will fly at half mast today at the start of the weeklong period of national mourning.

Police spokesperson Judith Nabakooba told journalists that of the dead, 15 were killed at the Ethiopian Village and 49 at Lugogo Rugby Club, adding that 10 of the dead were either Ethiopian or Eritrean. She was speaking before the death toll rose to 74.

Ethiopia’s Ambassador to Uganda Terfa Mengesha told Daily Monitor by telephone that preliminary reports had indicated that six Ethiopian nationals had been confirmed dead. “I think the other four were Eritrean,” he said.

Ms Nabakooba said investigations had kicked off in earnest, headed by the Joint Anti-Terrorism Task Force to establish who had masterminded the deadly attacks. Her comments came before reports emerged that the al Shabaab had claimed responsibility.

The reports moved to vindicate government suspicions as told by Mr
Fred Opolot, the Media Centre boss, who said the government “suspected this is an act of suicide bombers” and comments by army spokesman Felix Kulayigye who said: “At one of the scenes, investigators identified a severed head of a Somali national, which we suspect could have been a suicide bomber.”

In the recent past, Somali Islamists have threatened to attack Uganda for sending peacekeeping troops to their country to protect the transitional government of President Sheikh Ahmed Sharif.